Child rights violations in Myanmar’s conflict

Summary

The military is responsible for widespread killings, detention, torture, and forced displacement of children, recruitment of child soldiers, and attacks on education. With over 1.4 million children displaced and millions deprived of basic rights, this report underscores the urgent need for international action to address crimes against humanity and protect Myanmar’s children.

Jump to:

The Myanmar military has long committed widespread violations of children’s rights, intensifying its crackdown following the 2021 coup d’état and during the ongoing conflict. Human Rights Myanmar (HRM), focused on civil and political rights, welcomes the opportunity to respond to Question 2 and present the most concerning violations of children’s rights during the conflict to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) for its global report. This submission examines the State military’s obligations under international law since it seized power in 2021. Due to space limitations, Myanmar’s legal framework has been moved to an appendix, and violations by armed non-State actors are not included.[1]

Violence against children

The Myanmar military has violated the CRC by failing to protect children’s right to life and survival (Art. 6). Children have been shot during peaceful protests, executed, and caught in indiscriminate attacks. Instead of protecting children, the military has deliberately targeted them, using reckless force to suppress dissent and instil fear. In 2022, military actions accounted for 59% of child deaths and serious injuries.[2]

A 2024 HRM report revealed that at least 460 children under 14, including 187 girls, had been killed since the coup.[3] The increasing use of deadly weapons such as airstrikes and landmines in civilian areas has left children with virtually no safe spaces, resulting in over 650 children killed or maimed in 2024 alone.[4] Landmines remain a significant threat; in 2023, Myanmar was the world’s deadliest country for landmines, recording 320 child casualties among its 1,000 civilian victims, 59 of whom died.[5]Projections for 2024 estimate 1,185 casualties, with children comprising one-third.[6] Myanmar is one of the few countries where both State and non-State armed groups actively use landmines.[7]

Several incidents illustrate the brutality: in January 2022, an 8-year-old boy was shot for requesting a confiscated phone, and in December 2023, a 14-year-old girl was shot while cycling home.[8] In September 2022, seven children were killed and 20 injured when military helicopters attacked a school.[9] Another bombing of a school in February 2024 killed four wounding 10.[10] The systematic killing and maiming of children by the military likely constitute crimes against humanity, such as murder and inhumane acts,[11] and, in the context of non-international armed conflict, may amount to war crimes.[12] If such trends continue, an entire generation of children will have been raised with a genuine and reasonable fear for their lives.

Detention and torture of children

The Myanmar military has violated the CRC by arbitrarily detaining and torturing children as part of its crackdown (Arts. 24 and 37). Following the coup, up to 500 children were briefly detained.[13] A recent HRM report indicates at least 191 children between newborn and 14 years old, including 61 girls, have been imprisoned,[14] with 65 still in custody as of January 2025.[15]

Children have been detained arbitrarily for trivial reasons, such as possessing textbooks linked to opposition schools.[16] The military has taken at least 61 children hostage to coerce their parents into surrendering or providing information.[17] For example, in April 2024, a 6-year-old girl was detained with her parents to force their confession.[18] Long prison sentences have also been imposed to spread fear among children, such as the five-year term handed to a 15-year-old in 2022 under the Counter Terrorism Law for allegedly donating to opposition groups.[19]

At least 142 detained children have been tortured, with methods including beatings, cigarette burns, mock executions, stress positions, and removal of fingernails and teeth. Sexual abuse has also been reported.[20] In one case, a boy died in custody a day after his arrest.[21] These acts likely constitute crimes against humanity,[22] and war crimes.[23] Children are held in police detention centres, youth facilities, and adult prisons. Many remain without legal representation or family contact,[24] raising concerns of enforced disappearances, potentially amounting to crimes against humanity.[25] Prolonged detention under such conditions will likely lead to long-term psychological trauma, hindering children’s reintegration into society.

Displacement of children and humanitarian access

The Myanmar military’s actions following the coup have displaced over 1.4 million children internally or into exile abroad, violating the CRC (Arts. 22, 24, 27, 38).[26] At least 500,000 displaced children are in neighbouring countries,[27] while about 70,000 Rohingya children remain displaced in Rakhine State,[28] with other children spread nationwide. The military’s large-scale displacement of children likely constitutes the crime against humanity of forcible transfer and the war crime of displacing civilians.[29]

Displaced children live in precarious conditions in makeshift camps, with inadequate access to food, clean water, and healthcare. Over 85 per cent of displaced families face unmet needs, particularly in rural, conflict-affected areas.[30] Healthcare access is critical; over one million children have missed essential immunizations,[31] making Myanmar a global hotspot for “zero-dose” children.[32] Over 40 per cent of young children lack access to nutritious food, and nearly 600,000 displaced children are at risk of malnutrition.[33] Girls are also vulnerable to sexual violence and forced marriages in camps.[34] The number of children trafficked or missing from camps remains unknown.

The military’s restrictions on humanitarian aid manipulating access to consolidate power,[35] have exacerbated the crisis.[36] There have been 387 documented incidents of aid denial, leaving both displaced and non-displaced children without support.[37] Since the coup, as many as five million non-displaced children have become in urgent need of humanitarian assistance.[38] Over 55 per cent of all children now live in poverty due to the conflict and the resulting deteriorating economy.[39] Myanmar now has the highest under-five mortality rate in the region.[40] If the current trends persist, a generation of children will grow up with poor health.

Attacks on children’s education

The Myanmar military has violated the CRC by denying children their right to education (Art. 28). A recent HRM report revealed a sharp drop in school enrolment, from 9.2 million before the coup to 5.8 million in 2023.[41] The number of children taking end-of-school exams also declined from 910,000 to 160,000 in the same period, with none sitting the exam in conflict-ridden Karenni State in 2024.[42] University enrolment also fell by 91% during this time.[43]

The military’s systematic targeting of educational infrastructure has disrupted learning. Over 320 schools have been repurposed for military use, while 146 schools have been destroyed by bombardment.[44] Such attacks on schools may constitute war crimes.[45]Teachers have also been systematically targeted to suppress opposition and spread fear. At least 37 teachers, including 17 women, have been killed, with eight dying in detention.[46] As of January 2025, 500 teachers have been arrested, with 396 still detained, including 224 women.[47]

The dismissal of over 125,000 teachers for participating in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) has further eroded educational standards.[48] Without immediate intervention, the loss of education opportunities may result in a generation of uneducated youth, limiting Myanmar’s recovery and economic growth.

Child soldiers and child labour

The Myanmar military has violated the CRC by recruiting child soldiers and forcing children into hazardous labour (Art. 32). Over 1,100 children have been conscripted into the military,[49] with many forced to work as porters,[50] and at least 77 used as human shields.[51] The recruitment of child soldiers and use of forced child labour have escalated since the 2021 coup,[52] with some children of military personnel aged 15 and older coerced into military training.[53] The conscription or use of children in hostilities constitutes a war crime.[54]

Conflict-related poverty, diminished educational access, and the weakened rule of law have pushed more children into hazardous work environments. Nearly 10 per cent of children aged 5–17 are engaged in child labour, with 5 per cent in hazardous conditions.[55] Among those aged 10–17, the rate rises to 25 per cent.[56] Common sectors include food processing, light manufacturing, and family agriculture. Without interventions, these violations risk creating a cycle of exploitation that will seriously affect the life chances of each child involved.

Children’s civil and political rights

The Myanmar military has systematically violated children’s rights to freedom of expression, information, privacy, and peaceful assembly (Arts. 12–17). Following the coup, the military cracked down on public dissent, using disproportionate force during protests and detaining hundreds of children.[57] Broadcasters and print media outlets were targeted to suppress information, driving many, including children, to rely on online platforms.[58]

In response, the military imposed widespread internet blackouts, blocked social media access, and monitored online communications. These restrictions, particularly severe in conflict zones, have prevented children from communicating, accessing education, and receiving humanitarian assistance.[59] Thousands of individuals, including children, have been detained for social media posts,[60] and at least 18 children have been prosecuted under the “505A” law criminalising “false” news and “incitement”.[61]

By 2023, 42 per cent of internet users, including children, reported online threats of violence, and 36 per cent believed they were under digital surveillance.[62] In 2024, the military intensified its use of surveillance technology and internet filtering, blocking VPNs to further restrict online freedoms.[63] These measures threaten to isolate Myanmar’s children from global discourse and education, deepening the generational impact of this conflict.

Failure of protections and remedies

Since the coup, the Myanmar military has dismantled protections and remedies for children, violating multiple CRC provisions (Arts. 2–25). Judicial institutions have been systematically undermined, depriving children of fair trials and due process.[64] Children’s arrests are arbitrary, interrogations are violent, charges are secret, and trials are brief and conducted without legal representation.[65]Attempts to seek justice often result in harassment and criminalisation rather than remedies, leaving children vulnerable and without recourse.

State support systems for vulnerable children, including orphans, displaced children, child labourers, child soldiers, and victims of violence, have collapsed.[66] Basic services such as healthcare, psychosocial support, and nutrition are no longer accessible to many. Systems that provided minimal assistance before the coup have been shuttered entirely.[67] This erosion of legal and social protection mechanisms leaves children unprotected against abuse and exploitation. In the long term, it is likely to deepen the vulnerabilities of Myanmar’s children, fostering an environment where their rights are systematically denied.

Trauma

Myanmar’s conflict and the failure of protection mechanisms have inflicted severe trauma on millions of children. Many have experienced profound stress from exposure to violence, loss of livelihoods, and lack of education and healthcare.[68] Displaced children face instability and little access to support, while those detained avoid seeking help due to fear of reprisals.[69] As many as half of all displaced and detained children may require professional psychiatric services.[70]

In the medium term, children are at risk of PTSD, anxiety, and depression. Traumatic experiences during childhood developmental phases can structurally affect neurological systems.[71] Untreated trauma may lead to behavioural and emotional disorders with intergenerational consequences, affecting Myanmar’s future social cohesion and economic stability. Limited humanitarian access and suppressed human rights advocacy exacerbate the situation, leaving children without resources for recovery. Addressing trauma is essential to mitigating long-term damage.

Conclusion

The Myanmar military’s systematic and widespread violations of children’s rights since the 2021 coup have resulted in a severe humanitarian crisis. The military’s actions have directly caused the death, maiming, displacement, and suffering of millions of children, in violation of Myanmar’s obligations under the CRC. Children have been deprived of their rights to life, education, freedom of expression, and protection from violence and exploitation. The dismantling of legal protections and the obstruction of humanitarian assistance have left children without remedies or support. Immediate and coordinated international action is required to mitigate the worsening situation.

Recommendations

  • Strengthen international accountability mechanisms: The OHCHR should continue supporting efforts to document violations and advocate for accountability through international mechanisms, including the International Criminal Court (ICC) and independent investigations.
  • Ensure humanitarian access: The OHCHR should urge Member States to increase diplomatic pressure on the Myanmar military to allow unhindered humanitarian access to conflict-affected regions, ensuring children receive critical aid.
  • Promote digital and educational access: The OHCHR should work with international partners to develop initiatives that provide alternative access to education and information for children affected by internet blackouts and school closures.
  • Support displaced and stateless children: International actors should prioritise the protection and support of displaced and stateless children, ensuring access to healthcare, shelter, and education.
  • Enhance child protection programmes: The OHCHR should collaborate with local, national, regional, and international organisations to expand child protection programmes, including psychosocial support, trauma care, and reintegration services for former child soldiers.

Appendix 1: Myanmar’s legal framework

Myanmar became a State Party to the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) in 1991 and ratified two optional protocols in 2012 and 2019. It has also ratified treaties on economic, social and cultural rights, disability, and discrimination against women,[72]as well as key International Labour Organisation conventions on forced labour, minimum working age, and child labour.[73]However, Myanmar has yet to ratify key instruments on civil and political rights, torture, anti-personnel mines, or the International Criminal Court.[74]

The Child Rights Law (2019), enacted before the 2021 coup, defines a child as anyone under 18 and sets the minimum marriage age at 18 and the minimum employment age at 14. It provides protections for children in conflict, including prohibitions against killing, maiming, sexual violence, attacks on schools and hospitals, and obstruction of humanitarian aid. While it bans the recruitment of children under 18 by the military and armed groups, it lacks provisions guaranteeing the right to a nationality, leaving many children at risk of statelessness.


Footnotes

[1] There are significant allegations of human rights violations, including the violations of children’s rights, blamed on Ethnic Armed Groups. For example: New York Times (2025), “Tormentors Change, but Not the Torment”.

[2] OHCHR (2022), “Losing a Generation: How the military junta is attacking Myanmar’s children and stealing their future”.

[3] The report was submitted to the UN Special Rapporteur for the Right to Education’s inquiry into the militarisation of schools: Human Rights Myanmar (2024), “Myanmar’s militarisation of education”. See AAPP (2024), “Killed” for lists of individuals confirmed killed since the coup.

[4] UNICEF (2024), “Urgent need to protect children amid escalating conflict in Myanmar”.

[5] UN (2024), “Children and amputees bear brunt of Myanmar’s deadly landmine epidemic”; UNICEF (2024), “Urgent need to protect children amid escalating conflict in Myanmar”; UNICEF (2024), “Myanmar Landmine/ERW Incident Information 2023”.

[6] UNICEF (2024), “Myanmar Landmine/ERW Incidents Information 2024”.

[7] International Campaign to Ban Landmines – Cluster Munition Coalition (2017), “Landmine Monitor 2017”; International Campaign to Ban Landmines – Cluster Munition Coalition (2021), “Landmine Monitor 2021”.

[8] The child’s name has been withheld for security reasons. See AAPP (2024), “Killed” for lists of individuals confirmed killed since the coup.

[9] Radio Free Asia (2022), “‘Risking their lives to go to school’: Myanmar teacher who survived junta raid”.

[10] The Irrawaddy (2024), “Myanmar Junta Warplanes Bomb School in Karenni State, Killing 4 Children”.

[11] Rome Statute, Arts. 7(1)(a) and 7(1)(k).

[12] Rome Statute, Arts 8(2)(c)(i) and 8(2)(e)(i).

[13] UNICEF (2021), “UNICEF condemns killings and arbitrary detentions of children by security forces during ongoing crisis in Myanmar”.

[14] The report was submitted to the UN Special Rapporteur for the Right to Education’s inquiry into the militarisation of schools: Human Rights Myanmar (2024), “Myanmar’s militarisation of education”.

[15] Including 10 girls. See AAPP (2024), “Still detained” for information on those still detained.

[16] Salem-Gervais N., Aung S., and Spreelung A. (2024), “Education in Post-Coup Myanmar”.

[17] AAPP (2021), “Hostages under the military coup”; Myanmar Now (2022), “Woman abducted by junta with 3-year-old son accused of ties to urban guerrilla forces”.

[18] The child’s name has been withheld for security reasons. See AAPP (2024), “Still detained” for information on those still detained.

[19] The child’s name has been withheld for security reasons. See AAPP (2024), “Still detained” for information on those still detained.

[20] Agence France-Presse (2021), “Myanmar teen describes junta’s brutal treatment of detained women”; UN OHCHR (2022), “Myanmar: Crisis taking an enormous toll on children, UN committee warns”; UN Security Council (2024), “Children and armed conflict”; Radio Free Asia (2024), “Female inmates in Myanmar routinely sexually abused”.

[21] OHCHR (2022), “Losing a Generation: How the military junta is attacking Myanmar’s children and stealing their future”.

[22] Rome Statute, Article 7(1)(f).

[23] Rome Statute, Article 8(2)(c)(i).

[24] Frontier Myanmar (2021), “Podcast: Child rights in peril as security forces jail five-year-old”.

[25] Rome Statute, Art. 7(1)(i).

[26] UNICEF (2024), “Urgent need to protect children amid escalating conflict in Myanmar”.

[27] Government of Bangladesh and UNHCR (2022), “Population Factsheet: Bangladesh”; UNHCR, Thailand Border Operation (2022), “RTG/MOI-UNHCR Verified Refugee Population”.   

[28] OHCHR (2022), “Losing a Generation: How the military junta is attacking Myanmar’s children and stealing their future”.

[29] Rome Statute, Arts. 7(1)(d) and 8 (2)(e)(viii).

[30] UNICEF (2025), “Myanmar”.

[31] UNICEF (2024), “2024: A harrowing year for Myanmar’s children as conflict and crisis deepen”.

[32] UNICEF (2024), “2024: A harrowing year for Myanmar’s children as conflict and crisis deepen”.

[33] International Food Policy Research Institute (2023), “Vulnerability and welfare: Findings from the fifth round of the Myanmar Household Welfare Survey”; OCHA (2023), “Multi-sector needs assessment (MSNA) Key Findings – WASH, December 2023”; OHCHR (2022), “Losing a Generation: How the military junta is attacking Myanmar’s children and stealing their future”.

[34] ACAPS (2024), “Myanmar: Three years post-coup: recent developments and humanitarian situation”.

[35] UN OHCHR (2022), “Myanmar: Crisis taking an enormous toll on children, UN committee warns”.

[36] UNICEF (2024), “Urgent need to protect children amid escalating conflict in Myanmar”.

[37] UN Security Council (2024), “Children and armed conflict”.

[38] UNICEF (2025), “Myanmar”.

[39] UNICEF (2025), “Myanmar”.

[40] 42 deaths per 1,000 live births: UNICEF (2025), “Myanmar”.

[41] The report was submitted to the UN Special Rapporteur for the Right to Education’s inquiry into the militarisation of schools: Human Rights Myanmar (2024), “Myanmar’s militarisation of education”.

[42] Human Rights Myanmar (2024), “Myanmar’s militarisation of education”.

[43] Human Rights Myanmar (2024), “Myanmar’s militarisation of education”.

[44] Human Rights Myanmar (2024), “Myanmar’s militarisation of education”.

[45] Rome Statute, Article 8(2)(e)(iv). 

[46] Human Rights Myanmar (2024), “Myanmar’s militarisation of education”.

[47] Human Rights Myanmar (2024), “Myanmar’s militarisation of education”.

[48] Human Rights Myanmar (2024), “Myanmar’s militarisation of education”.

[49] UN Security Council (2024), “Children and armed conflict”; See also the International Labour Organization, Governing Body, Follow-up to the resolutions concerning Myanmar adopted by the International Labour Conference at its 102nd (2013) and 109th (2021).

[50] KHRG (2022), “Southeast Burma Field Report: Intensification of armed conflict, air and ground attacks, and widespread human rights violations, July to December 2021”. 

[51] UN Security Council (2024), “Children and armed conflict”.

[52] UN OHCHR (2022), “Myanmar: Crisis taking an enormous toll on children, UN committee warns”.

[53] The Irrawaddy (2021), “Myanmar Regime Makes Military Training Compulsory for Soldiers’ Children”.

[54] Rome Statute, Article 8(2)(e)(vii).

[55] The Centre for Child Rights (2025), “Child Rights in Myanmar”.

[56] The Centre for Child Rights (2025), “Child Rights in Myanmar”.

[57] Free Expression Myanmar (2022), “Recommendations to protect mass movements submitted to UN”.

[58] Free Expression Myanmar (2023), “Surviving Myanmar’s digital coup”.

[59] Freedom House (2024), “Myanmar freedom on the net 2024”.

[60] Free Expression Myanmar (2022), “505A: Act of revenge”.

[61] Free Expression Myanmar (2022), “505A: Act of revenge”.

[62] Free Expression Myanmar (2023), “Surviving Myanmar’s digital coup”.

[63] Freedom House (2024), “Myanmar freedom on the net 2024”.

[64] Free Expression Myanmar (2023), “Myanmar military’s “justice” system”.

[65] Free Expression Myanmar (2023), “Myanmar military’s “justice” system”.

[66] International Labour Organization, Follow-up to the resolutions concerning Myanmar: OHCHR (2022), “Losing a Generation: How the military junta is attacking Myanmar’s children and stealing their future”.

[67] Frontier Myanmar (2022), “‘An entire generation at risk’: Myanmar’s children traumatised after a year of violence”.

[68] AAPP (2022), “The impact of long term trauma in Burma”.

[69] Frontier Myanmar (2023), “Children traumatised by heavy conflict in Kayin State”.

[70] Frontier Myanmar (2022), “‘An entire generation at risk’: Myanmar’s children traumatised after a year of violence”.

[71] Al Jazeera (2024), “Scarred by war, Myanmar children ‘cannot have the life they used to have’”.

[72] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights ratified in 2017, the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities in 2011, and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women in 1997.

[73] Forced Labour Convention (No. 29) ratified since 1955, the Minimum Age Convention (No. 138) since 2020, and the Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention (No. 182) since 2013.

[74] International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Convention against Torture, the Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, the Mine Ban Treaty, or the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Myanmar’s National Unity Government lodged an Article 12(3) declaration with the International Criminal Court on 17 July 2021, giving it jurisdiction over crimes committed in Myanmar since 2002. The Court, however, has yet to accept the NUG’s declaration.